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--:-- John Bickley: Welcome to Morning Wire, I'm your host John Bickley.
--:-- Georgia Howe: And I'm Georgia Howe. Today, we're discussing the escalating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, and the implications for the Middle East.
--:-- John Bickley: Joining us is Daily Wire reporter Tim Pierce, who's been following this story closely. Tim, thanks for being here.
--:-- Tim Pierce: Thanks, John.
--:-- Georgia Howe: We're also joined by former U.S. Ambassador to Israel, David Friedman. Ambassador Friedman, thanks for taking the time to speak with us today.
--:-- David Friedman: Thank you for having me.
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--:-- Georgia Howe: The conflict between Israel and Hamas continues as a second front between Israel and Hezbollah opens up in Lebanon. Increasing skirmishes are causing many to warn about a wider conflict in the Middle East that could involve Iran.
--:-- David Friedman: I'm glad to be here today to discuss this critical issue.
--:-- Tim Pierce: Ambassador Friedman, thanks for joining us. So there have been escalations in Lebanon between Israel and Hezbollah. The Biden administration has cautioned that the fighting there could prompt Iran to join in and lead to a much larger regional conflict. What are your thoughts on how Israel should engage in Lebanon?
--:-- David Friedman: Israel is getting cold right now in Lebanon. The whole northern part of the country is on fire. 80,000 Israelis have been evacuated from their homes. It's not livable anymore in the northern part of the country because of these attacks. Israel never attacked Lebanon. If you remember, Israel was attacked by Hamas. Israel responded to that and found itself on the receiving end. So there's absolutely no justification whatsoever for Hezbollah to even be in this fight. It'll place on Iran. The sanctions on Iran should be strengthened materially.
--:-- Tim Pierce: So the Biden administration has told Israel that a limited war or small regional war in Lebanon isn't realistic. What are your thoughts on the Biden administration warnings?
--:-- David Friedman: It may not be realistic but then the Biden administration has got to do something about it. You know they have leverage over Iran. As I said, they're allowing Iran to sell oil into the markets to participate in the financial systems in ways that we never did. And so there needs to be a message to Iran, number one, to stay out. Number two, to tell Hezbollah to stay out and to have some sort of a ceasefire where people can live in quiet in the north.
--:-- Georgia Howe: Do you think a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah is inevitable?
--:-- David Friedman: I hope not. I mean, it's it's not going to achieve anything for either side. I don't believe meaning I don't think that Israel can totally destroy Hezbollah. And I know that Hezbollah can't destroy Israel. So it will be what it's been in the past, which is a, you know, a rapid exchange of very lethal artillery that will hopefully come to a swift end.
--:-- Tim Pierce: On Biden's approach to the conflict, how has Biden's evolving policy toward Israel impacted the war with Hamas?
--:-- David Friedman: I think it's been one mistake after another. I mean, I think the first couple of days he said the right things. I think that initial visit, you know, sent a good message. But ever since the domestic politics have heated up and his base has turned against them, what Biden has done is really, he firstly has tried to thread an unthreadable needle. He's tried to be on both sides of this issue. And there's only one side. I mean, the only one side is to stand with Israel.
--:-- Georgia Howe: Given some of the political conflicts inside the Democratic Party, how would you advise Biden on his approach to Israel today?
--:-- David Friedman: Look, you know, his instincts were good the first couple of days, and then he let the politics take over. The right politics here, first of all, you know, I'm not an expert on democratic politics, but I do believe there are still more Democrats that support Israel than those who support radical Islamic terrorists. Right. And I think that's really the fight here.
--:-- Tim Pierce: On leadership. Has anyone in the Middle East stepped up and offered help to govern a post-conflict Gaza? Would the Palestinian Authority, the PA, be a viable option?
--:-- David Friedman: Well, there is a reality that Hamas stays in Gaza. It's called the Biden reality. It's the reality by which Biden is trying to push Israel to make a deal now where they will withdraw from Gaza and get some hostages back, maybe. And Hamas has rejected the deal because they say, we want Israel out permanently. We want to remain in control. I don't think Israel will ever allow for that.
--:-- Georgia Howe: Let's say Israel is able to root out Hamas. And as you said, nobody is offering to come in and control Gaza. What would it look like for Israel to rule Gaza?
--:-- David Friedman: Well, look, it's going to look a little bit like, you know, 1967 to 2005, right when Israel was in military control of Gaza. But in the short run, it's going to be much more labor-intensive because there just a very large radicalized population there. It won't be fun. I mean, until there's a serious discussion about a post-world that requires Israel to be the sole party in control, I'm not sure that Israel has any choice.
--:-- Tim Pierce: So in the U.S., we've got the presidential election coming up in November. Let's say Donald Trump does win the presidency and takes control of the White House in January. What kind of impact does that have on Israel and the Middle East generally?
--:-- David Friedman: I think the relationship between the United States and the Gulf nations will improve dramatically as well. I think there'll be a much better chance for normalization with Saudi Arabia, because I remember the relationships. I lived through them for four years. There was great respect within the Arab world for President Trump. They felt he was strong. They felt that he could be trusted, that when he made a commitment, he would live by it.
--:-- Georgia Howe: The most important thing is that the people of Israel are desperate for peace. They've always wanted peace. They've never sought to impose their will upon anyone else. They live in harmony with 2 million Arab citizens. Those Arabs have full civil rights within the country.
--:-- David Friedman: The participation of the Arab-Israeli community in Israeli universities is like 40% in the University of Haifa, 20% in Tel Aviv University and Haifa University. The unemployment rate of the Arab society in Israel is the lowest in the Arab world. Israel wants to live in peace with its neighbors. Israel's being accused of genocide. And if you look at the numbers, you know, the Palestinians in Gaza have increased like 20-fold. Since 1967, the Palestinians in the West Bank have increased like three or four-fold. The Palestinian community in Israel have gone from like 150,000 to 2 million under Israeli rule.
--:-- Tim Pierce: Ambassador Friedman, we really appreciate the time. Thanks for coming on.
--:-- David Friedman: My pleasure. Thank you.
